Paper: Urban Low-Income African American Men, HIV/AIDS, and Gender Identity
Urban Low-Income African American Men, HIV/AIDS, and Gender Identity
Urban Low-Income African American Men, HIV/AIDS, and Gender Identity
Refence link: https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/10.2105/AJPH.2007.111534?url_ver=Z39.88-2003&rfr_id=ori%3Arid%3Acrossref.org&rfr_dat=cr_pub++0pubmed
Correspondence may be addressed to Tony Whitehead, professor and director, The Cultural Systems Analysis Group, Department of Anthropology, 0123 Woods Hall, University of Maryland, College Park, MD 20742.
Abstract
In a 1993 Human Organization article, Jerome Wright called for more research on African American male sexual behavior and the risk for HIV infection. The present article is a response to that call. Wright pointed out a well-known fact of HIV/AIDS prevention programs: such programs have not been very successful in reaching low-income African American males. The present article suggests that perhaps the key to better understanding sex-related health-risk behavior is to conduct more systematic research on gender identity, and the historical and sociocultural origins of such identities. I argue that if we are truly interested in developing effective HIV/AIDS programs targeting low-income African American males, then the sociocultural "meanings" that this population attaches to AIDS-related phenomena must be understood in the broader contexts of American constructs of masculinity, and in the real and perceived experiences of black men in America. Data from several ethnographic and qualitative research projects carried out among low-income African American male and female residents of Baltimore, other parts of Maryland, and Washington, D.C. are used in support of my primary arguments. [HIV/AIDS, African American Males, Gender Constructs, Sociocultural Meaning, Plantation America]
Conclusions and Recommendations
Future Research Needs The issues discussed in this article are very complex. Yet, if we hope to better understand risk behaviors and attitudes so that we can develop more effective prevention and treatment programs, we must move beyond the most popular research method of simply testing investigator-initiated research hypotheses through the use of existing psychometric instruments. While such approaches are usually methodologically sound, they may have little relevance to the complex meaning system that underlies the risk behaviors of interest to prevention and treatment programs. To reiterate a point made in the methodology section, the findings reported on here can only be considered exploratory, since they were carried out in small scale qualitative studies in which some of the issues discussed were frequently not the focus of a specific research activity. (As is the case in many open ended, flexible, ethnographic and qualitative research projects, some of the most intriguing findings were not planned for by the investigator.) One of the reasons for presenting this work is to suggest the need for multidisciplinary research and the development of intervention approaches that truly triangulate different theories, methods, and investigators, as suggested by Denzin (1970) more than two decades ago. Such triangulated approaches are necessary to explore the role of sociocultural context, process, and meaning within a systemic model, and to effectively address the needs of African American men whose perceptions underlie the practice of high-risk behaviors.
The qualitative methods used to collect the data reported on in the article are essential to understanding sociocultural context, process, and meaning relevant to HIV/AIDS risks, attitudes, and behaviors among lower-income men in America. It is in the study of historically entrenched gender and power constructs that I believe we will come to better understand the conjugal difficulties encountered by marginalized low-income men and women, particularly those difficulties that relate to sexual behavior and the use of prophylactics. It is through the investigation of larger sociocultural (historical, economic, and sociopolitical) contexts that we can better understand how the value of economic capacity as a core attribute of masculinity may lead men of low socioeconomic status to emphasize reputational traits as a means of expressing their sense of self as men.
Further research on men and masculinity and the role of the relationship between sexual and economic power should include American males of diverse races and classes in study samples. Inclusion of these populations would move the study of masculinity away from simply focusing on African American male reputational attributes and toward a better understanding of American masculinity in general. While the literature on African American family structure has focused on sexual prowess as an attribute of black men, I know of no comparative studies of this masculine attribute that cut across ethnic (except Hispanic "macho") and class groups. In such research, economic capacity rather than race or ethnicity should be the primary independent variable
Gender "Maturation" and Transformation
To some, the interpretations of the CuSAG data that have been presented here might be somewhat bleak. Our research, however, also offers possible strategies for effectively addressing some of the issues discussed, if they are found, through more focused research, to exist broadly in low-income inner-city communities. I have presented the argument that we need to explore male gender fragmentation as a risk factor of HIV transmission in low-income communities. As such, readers might expect that my primary recommendation is simply to provide more employment opportunities for low-income African Americans. Although such a strategy would be part of any intervention program, I also recommend addressing the problems of masculine gender construction and the fragmented gender self. This necessitates a process of empowerment that focuses on constructs of self and community improvement.
I recommend strategies of. male empowerment that will lead to what I call gender or masculinity transformation. Masculinity transformation involves a change from existing constructs of masculinity, which are deleterious to the gender self of men of low socioeconomic status, their sexual partners, and their communities. I have argued that existing constructs of ideal masculinity are conducive to a fragmented masculinity. The goal of masculinity transformation is to achieve a sense of masculine gender identity that is whole. Masculine transformation is a strategy of empowerment that moves away from notions of masculinity that focus on gaining economic capacity to achieve sexual control, or on sexual power to achieve social (with male peers) or economic status. It is a process of masculine transformation, the goal of which is enhancement of employment skills and improved heterosexual17 communication, compromise, and respect. It emphasizes community service, goal-setting, and discipline in achieving goals, and integrates body, mind, and "spirit" (a wholesome outlook on the world, and one's place in it).
In addition to peer training, strategies of masculine transformation should include training older, more mature males, including low-income males, to work with preadolescent and adolescent boys and young adult men. This idea came out of our observations of the many focus groups in CuSAG research that explored domains of meaning. Going back to the first studies conducted by CuSAG in 1990, we began to notice what I have labeled as a process of "gender maturation" that seemed to parallel age. As discussed earlier, young men (males in their teens and 20s) make many more comments about sexual conquests and control than do older men (males in their late 30s and 40s). While some older men do participate in sexual boasting, they are much more serious about the personal difficulties of providing for their families, and about the conditions of African Americans in general. They are quite cynical about the U.S. political system and about the purported goodwill of some whites toward blacks. They are also very critical of blacks who participate in self-destructive behaviors, and were strong advocates of black self help strategies. They frequently got into debates with young men in their groups, and questioned whether there was anything constructive about their sexual behavior and their treatment of women. Some of the older men were even critical of the speech patterns used by young black males, particularly the frequent use of such terms as, bitches, niggers, whores, and so on. For the most part, older men seemed to have moved beyond the "dog" phase of their lives, and were critical of younger men who seemed to still value such attitudes and behavior.
One of the intriguing challenges for me during my years of working with health promotion programs has been to develop an effective method for reaching adolescent males. Based on our observations of focus-group discussions in which some males were able to persuade others to avoid high-risk behaviors, we believe that such group discussions could serve as an excellent format of interventions. Age-based differences in the content of these discussions has led me to a concept that I call "gender maturation." CuSAG research also suggests to me that this concept might be an effective basis for designing intervention programs geared to low-income African American males. Focus-group participants themselves have suggested that mature low-income men—those who have put the dog behind them—should be involved in such interventions. Our focus participants strongly argue that older males with experiences similar to those of troubled young men today could be effective teachers.
Among our participants in the 50 or more male focus groups that CuSAG has carried out in the Baltimore-Washington urban corridor, one-third had spent time in jail and/or used or sold drugs. In many of these groups, male participants in their late 30s and 40s expressed concern for the younger males in their communities whose lives were taking on a similar direction. Some of them were involved in community-based self-help activities; others expressed a desire to get involved. Men in our study, "Urban Male HIV Ethnography," provided a philosophy for helping the young. This study included a series of 5 focus groups carried out with a single group of males. Some of the men in this group, in their late 20s and 40s, succeeded in getting their lives back on track, and expressed community service as an attribute of ideal masculinity. They talked about how they were raised, especially about the role of church morality and of discipline beyond that provided by their parents. Nevertheless, they said that as young men they "lost their way." They expressed great concern for lost young men and women in their communities who did not have the same childhood foundation. Thus they are "lost and have nothing to get back to." As one man explained: "it's like they are drowning and we want to throw them a line, but we don't know where to find the rope." It seems to me that if we are able to develop strategies that provide training, it will help men on their road to masculine wholeness, and will work to help younger men overcome their fragmented masculinity. In short, I recommend masculine transformation, along with the usual HIV/AIDS education materials, to effectively address HIV/AIDS in low-income American communities.
Comments
Post a Comment