BOOK : Indonesian Islam in a new era (Blackburn, Smith, and Syamsiyatun, 2008)

Editor              : Susan Blackburn, Bianca J. Smith and Siti Syamsiyatun

Title                 : Indonesian Islam in a new era

Publisher         : Monash Asian Institute, Victoria

Year                 : 2008

Citation:

Blackburn, S., Smith, B. J., & Syamsiyatun, S. (Eds.). (2008). Indonesian Islam in a new era: How women negotiate their Muslim identities. Clayton, VIC: Monash University Press.



Review of this book see
http://irep.iium.edu.my/26931/1/RH_Bk_Review_Indonesian_Islam_in_a_new_era.pdf

MY SUMMARY

Majority of the authors of this book is  insiders-Indonesian-Muslim
Chapter 1: Negotiating polygamy in Indonesia: between Islamic discourse and women's lived experiences-Nina Nurmila
Chapter  2: Muslim women and contemporary veiling in Indonesian sinteron-Rachmah Ida
Chapter 3 : Adat, Islam and womanhood in the reconstruction of Riau Malay identity- Lugina Setyawati
Chapter 4 : Kejawen Islam as gendered praxis in Javanese village religiosity- Bianca J Smith
Chapter 5 : Negotiating public space: three nyai generations in a Jombang pesantren- Eka Srimulyani
Chapter 6 : Women negotiating feminism and Islamism: the experiences of Nasyiatul Aisyiayah, 1985-2005
Chapter 7 : Women, Islam, and philantropy in contemporary Indonesia-Amelia Fauzia

Interestingly, when the editors  in Introduction said Islam is 'nominally Islamic' (pp 4), ‘impure Islam’ or syncretic Muslim or ‘not really Islam’ or in Indonesia that indicate the number of Muslim is the majority but the quality of the ‘Islamic devoutness’ is not as much as 90 % of all population in Indonesia. Furthermore, the writers said that Islam in Sumatra and those in Jawa might slight difference, they said about the term ‘impure Muslim’ or ‘syncretic Muslim’ (‘not really Islam’) or not pious for those who still practice ‘animism or dinamism’ culture. The strength of Hinduism-Budhism in Jawa island influence the practice of Islam there, and in Sumatra those cultures-animism or dinamism is not so much influence the practitioner of Muslim there. Some antropologies said Islam in Indonesia, particularly for female is not strict as those in medieval countries.

Second chapter by Nina Nurmila discussed about polygamy in Indonesia. Actually, polygamy is always related to Islam, in fact, this polygamy  has been practiced before Islam come to Indonesia in 13th centuries, like Indonesia “customary legal systems, such as the adat Hindu-Bali and Chinese Indonesians”.  (Blackburn, 2004) (pp 25). Also, “Polygamy was practiced by Javanese aristocrats [bangsawan], who usually had many selir (secondary wives)”. After 1974, the government made a regulation about polygamy to protect women and inadjust practice of polygamy in our archipelago, like the issue of arbitraty polygamy (get married again and leaved their forme wives behind), suspended marriage (kawin gantung), unilateral divorcee (cerai by only said “I divorce my wife” orally), and abandonment (istri ditinggalkan saja).

Third chapter depict about Islam in Malay island, Riau, Sumatra. In Sumatra with a strong Malay (Melayu) culture, the association between adat and Islam are embedded or negotiated each other. Islam came to this Islam to harmonised the adat, and somehow adat norms are still holding as the main teaching, like ‘matrilineal’ in West Sumatra culture. Adat and Islam influence economic, social, and cultural aspects of people’s lives (see chapter 3 in this book). There is a famous proverb in Malay culture ‘Adat bersendi Syarak, Syrak bersendikan Kitabullah’(customs are based on syariah, syariah is based on the holy Qur’an’(pp 72). Interestingly, how the writer talk about the ‘JILBAB’construction as a compulsory at individual level, therefore, most Malay Female Muslims may be contested or constructed to cover themselves as their dress code to ideally represent ‘a good Muslim’. Unfortunately, not all Muslimah wears Jilbab ensure their attitude and behaviour like Islamic teachings, particularly those who do not voluntarily wear JILBAB. Hence, “enforced veiling does not guarantee ‘proper women’(pp 93) Some of them are negotiated to wear “JILBAB” in only public space to honour other Malay Muslim.

IMPORTANT QUOTATION

INTRODUCTION

Susan Blackburn, Bianca J Smith and Siti Syamsiyatun

The first thing to be noted is that Indonesian Islam is different from Arabian modes of Islam. There is not one way to practise Islam or to be Muslim; Islam in plural. The Indonesian archipelago is ethnically diverse and Muslim practitioners practise Islam in particularised ways unique to their cultural understandings and interpretations of Islam. Within Indonesia this diversity has long been a source of concern in some Islamic circles. Whereas certain regions are well-known for their “Islamic devoutness” (notably Aceh, West Sumatra, West Jawa, Lombok and South Sulawesi) others, especially the Javanese heartland, have been labelled as only ‘nominally Islamic’. This in itself illustrates a tendency to create dichotomies of ‘pure’ and ‘impure’ Islam which are not helpful in understanding how the religion is practiced, pp4

As Newland (2000) asserts, although 90% of Indonesian are Muslim, Indonesian Islam' legitimacy is denied when scholars describe particular modes o fit as ‘not really Islam’ or syncretic; and its practitioners as ‘nominal Muslim’. (see Anderson 1972; Jay 1969; Magnis-Suseno 1997; Mulder 1996; Sullivan 1994.) pp 4

Mark Woodward’s (1989) point that Javanese Islam in particular has been misread as ‘tradition’ or staunchly ‘Hindu-Buddhist’ is relevant is relevant to the reasons nurturing the dearth of Western feminist scholarship on women and Islam in Indonesia. It appears that female students of anthropology have applied the theories of those before them which read ‘real religion’ as doctrinal, scirptural (for example, Islam) and ‘other practices’ such as magic, witchcraft or animism as ‘not real religion’. In this way, people who do not practise Islam in preceived ‘pious’ ways are thus not interpreted as Muslims, but as those who practise ‘tradition’ ‘animism’. Typology, then, plays a strong role in how we understand Islam and its practices. P5

One might almost say that until very recently more effort has been devoted by foreign antrhopologists and sociologist to showing that Indonesia is not really Islamic than to discussiong how Islam is practised there. Among non-Indonesian feminist, for instance, there is a long-standing fascination with the matrilineal practices of the Minangkabau of West Sumatra, which is regarded by most Indoensians as a strongly Islamic area but which departs from stric Islamic legal laws in relation to inheritance. Some writers evel like to celebrate West Sumatra as a matriarchy (Sanday 2002). By largely ignoring Islam, i tis easire to make out a case for undeniable strength of women in Indonesian society. Pp 5

The example of West Sumatra draws attention also to the longstanding interest amongst many observers in the tension between Islam and adat or customary law and culture in Indonesia. In many cases the two conflict. Pp 6

The fact that Indonesian Islam is not as ‘strict’ as some modes practised in the Middle East may also contribute to the lack of feminist concern for women and Islam in Indonesia. The construction that Islam is lax and predominanlty ‘nominal’ in Indonesia has attributed a set meanings of Islam which actually reinforce the notion of its illegitimate practice; as somehow less authentic when constracted to the heartland of Arabian Islam. Pp 6

In western circles, concerns about the connection between Islam and women have revolved around a number of areas in which Islamic practices are felt to oppress women; the inequality of family laws that favour men in divorce, inheritence and polygamy, restrictive views of women’s roles that limit them to the ‘private’ world, the restriction of women’s sexuality to marriage, and other practices held to be related to Islam like female circumcision. Particu;ar concern is voiced in the West about the implications of Syariah law for women, notab;y its more extreme criminal code such as the punishment of adulterous women and Islam in Indonesia? If not, what does that say about either Western scholarship of Indonesian Islam? Pp 7

Significantly, earlier major volumes in English on women and Indonesia such as Fantasizing the feminime in Indonesia (Sears 1996) and Power and difference: gender in island Souteast Asia (Atkinson & Errington 1990) do not include any chapters on Islam. Pp 9

Why western writers tend to discuss Islam nd women in Indonesia from the perpective of the social sciences: they are concerned with describing and analysing behavior rather than discussing theology. Another way of putting it is to say that non-Indonesian writers on Islam and women are almost always non-Muslims. Not only do they have little knowledge of the religion, but for them it is of little importance whether or not Indonesian practice conforms with Islamic teaching. In fact, they may applaud the disjuncture between teaching and practice as an illustration of the flexibility, tolerance and pragmatism of Indonesian Islam. This is not to say that Westerners approach the subject without preconception: of course they bring to bear their own historical, religious and personal baggage to the study of Islam in Indonesia. But their preoccupations are different from those of Indonsian Muslims, as we shall see. Pp 9

CHAPTER TWO

NEGOTIATING POLYGAMY IN Indonesia: BETWEEN ISLAMIC DISCOUSE AND WOMEN’S LIVED DISCOURSE AND WOMEN’S LIVED EXPERIENCES

Polygamy has been mostly associated with Islam, even though it was practised in the Indonesian archipelago before the coming of Islam in the 13th century. For instance, it was permitted by several; customary legal systems, such as the adat Hindu-Bali and Chinese Indonesians. Polygamy was practiced by Javanese aristocrats [bangsawan], who usually had many selir (secondary wives) (Blackburn, 2004). Pp 25

The marriage Law about Polygamy, No. 1 year of 1974, pp 31

Article 3

1.     In principle in a marriage a man shall be allowed to have one wife only. A woman shall be allowed to have one husbands only

2.     A court of Law shall be capable of granting permission to a husband to have more than one wife, if all parties concerned so wish

Article 4

1.     If a husband desire to have more than one wife, as referred to in Article 3 paragraph (2) of this law, he shall be required to submit a request to the court of Law in the region in which he resides

2.     The court of Law referred to in paragraph (1) of this article shall grant permission to the husband wishing to have more than one wife if:

a.     His wife is unable to perform her duties as wife;

b.     His wife suffers from physical defects or an incurable disease;

c.     His wife is incapable of having descendants

Article 5:

1.     In order for a request to be submitted to the Court of Law as referred to in Article 4 paragpraph 1 of this law, the following requirement shall be obtained:

a.     the approval of the wife or wives;

b.     the assurance that the husband will guarantee the necessities of life for his wives and their children;

c.     the guarantee that the husband shall act justly in regard to his wives and their children

CHAPTER THREE

ADAT, ISLAM, AND WOMANHOOD IN THE RESCONSTRUCTION OF RIAU MALAY IDENTITY

LUGINA SETYAWATI

You are entering a Malay dress code area
Character of Malay dress

1      Long-sleeved tunic (symbol of being covered according to adat and syariah_

2      Cover parts of body that should not be visible

3      Loose/No. tight

4      No. transparent (Council of Indonesian Ulama of Pekanbaru)

Adat and Islam are two important components in Malay culture. This is expressed in a Malay proverb, “ Adat bersendi Syarak, Syarak bersendikan Kitabullah, Syarak mengatakan, Adat memakai (customs are based on syariah, syariah is based on the holy Qur’an, syariah provides the rules, custom implements the rules (MS Suwardi, 2003:52). Adat and Islam influence economic, social, and cultural aspects of people’s lives. Pp 69

Although adat and Islam are supposed to support and complement each other according to Karim (1992) there are some conflicts and contradiction between adat and Islam. Negotiation may occur when such conflicting ideas appear. In this regard, consensus or mufakat is often selected by people as a strategy for compromise between adat and Islam. In mufakat, adat and Islam are negotiated in order to find the most harmonisous and convenient ways of practising both adat and Islam. This negotiation process occurs in different times and contexts. These two components of Malay culture contribute to the construction of gender relations in a dynamic process. At one time and/or in one place, it may be adat that is strongly dominant, whila at other times and/or other places, Islam defines gender relations.

Islam and adat in Malay culture in Riau: between pepatih and temenggung

In many areas of Sumatra, including Aceh, Palembang, Bengkulu, Jambi, West Sumatra, Riau and Lampung, the phenomenon of drawing on Islamic symbolism is a common trait, because adat and Islam have merged and been practised side by  side for a long time

(The proverb ‘Adat bersendi Syarak, Syrak bersendikan Kitabullah’(customs are based on syariah, syariah is based on the holy Qur’an’) is common in this region regardless of ethnicity, whereas No. such proverb is commonly found among ethic groups in parts of Java) pp72

notions of Islam and its growth in Indonesia have shaped concepts of womanhood in Riau. The effects of global Islamic resurgence are also experienced in Indonesia. One of the impacts of this movement is the jilbab as a style of dress for women. The Jilbab has been accepted as part of Islamic practice among women. Subsequently, the jilbab has signified current ideas of womanhood among Muslim in Indonesia. It has become a new symbol of Muslim women’s identity pp/ 81

Conclusion

Women are not merely the objects of cultural projects involving the reconstruction of Riau Malay identity. Some also actively contribute to the process of resconstruction, both as suppporters and implementers. At the individual level, strategies of negotiation are applied. Women may contest the reconstruction of women’s identity through the way they practise the dess code and interpret the compulsory jilbab. Ideally, wearing the jilbab is regarded as a representation of a good Muslim; therefore, users should ensure their behaviour and attitudes also conform to Islam. However, when the jilbab is compulsory, wearers have not voluntarily committed themselves to the ideals associated with it. Consequently, enforced veiling does not guarantee ‘proper women’. This understanding allows those who disagree with the compulsion to veil to not fully practise it, without feeling guilty or opposing the dress code. Such women make compromises by wearing the jilbab only in certain contexts, such as in public places and at formal events, so as to respect others. In this way, they are able to negotiate the practices of the dress code.  Pp 93